| |
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to
believe, that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human
race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power over others,
marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal
domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the
inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament of
Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over them, has been
granted to that body. But a reverance for our Creator, principles of humanity,
and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the
subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and
ought to be administered for the attainment of that end.
The legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by
an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know
to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and
desparate of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to
truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect
their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and
have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from
reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate
rage for unlimited domination, so to sight justice and the opinion of mankind,
we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world,
to make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of
Great-Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a residence for
civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of
their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they
removed, by unceasing labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected
settlements in the distant and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with
numerous and warlike barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with
perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown, and an
harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom
from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became
in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally
confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of
the realm, arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and
successfully directed the measures of Great-Britain in the late war, publicly
declared, that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies.
Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our
sovereign to make a change in his counsels. -- From that fatal movement, the
affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually
sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced
by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the
convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. -- The new ministry
finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still
contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and
then subduing her faithful friends.
These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to
present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable
plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour
from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services
during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most
honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could
not save them from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was influenced to
adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the
course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and
consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects
of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money
without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to
dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the
jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient
limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial
by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the
legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the
capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government
established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly
confirmed by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal
trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province,
acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous
to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time
of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists
charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be
tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By
one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to bind us
in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so
unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or
is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of
them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not
diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually
lighten their own burdens in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the
misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly
and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we
remonstrated with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration sensible that we should regard these
oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to
enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it
was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress
of delegates from the United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the
fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful
petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great-Britain.
We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even
proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as
the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth
should supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered ourselves, was
the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn, how
vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies were
inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a
decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and
to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among
a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in
their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time
actually existed within the province of Massachusetts- Bay; and that those
concerned with it, had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful
combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several
of the other colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that he would
take the most effectual measures to inforce due obediance to the laws and
authority of the supreme legislature." -- Soon after, the commercial
intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was
cut off by an act of parliament; by another several of them were intirely
prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they
always depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and
troops were immediately sent over to general Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and
eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers, and
commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to
stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and
unexampled outrages were hurried on. -- equally fruitless was the interference
of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our
favor. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to
establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against
colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus
to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be
sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the
miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed
tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by
remorseless victors to conquered enemies? in our circumstances to accept them,
would be to deserve them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived
on this continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken
possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, and
still occupied it a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that
place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the
inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the
affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and
soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded
many others. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of
Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same
province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the
country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities,
thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them
without regard to faith or reputation. -- The inhabitants of Boston being
confined within that town by the general their governor, and having, in order
to procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated
that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own
magistrate, should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other
effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation of
honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations
esteemed sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that
they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers;
detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the
few who were permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children from their
parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to
attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in plenty and
even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
The general, further emulating his ministerial masters,
by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the
grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies,
proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and
traitors, to supercede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to
publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." -- His troops have
butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a
considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are
seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is
exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him.
We have rceived certain intelligence, that general
Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province
and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend,
that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief,
a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far
as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities
of fire, sword and famine. [1] We are reduced to the alternative of chusing an
unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance
by force. -- The latter is our choice. -- We have counted the cost of this
contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour, justice,
and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from
our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive
from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding
generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely
entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal
resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly
attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine
favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into
this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had
been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of
defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we
most solemnly, before God and the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost
energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed
upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in
defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence, employ for
the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen
rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our
friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we
mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted
between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not
yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other
nation to war against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs
of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight
not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle
of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even
suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet
proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is
our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it -- for
the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our
fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up
arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not
before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme
and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his
divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose
our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve
the empire from the calamities of civil war.
 |
|
